Youth in the streets and YPP on the radio

Monday marked the YPP's first foray into public broadcasting. Two of our co-directors, Dana Moss and myself, were featured in an hour-long interview on a local university radio station. An hour on the radio is more than most talking heads get at a single time, but it goes fast. If we'd had two hours it still wouldn't have been enough time to cover everything, and I'm sure some who listen to the interview will fault us for leaving something out, or for getting something wrong. But that's how it goes. I think Dana and I did a pretty good job of covering the basics; ironically we didn't manage to talk very much about the recent and ongoing demonstrations, which were ostensibly the subject of the show. Listening back to the interview, though, I don't think that was a mistake. A number of sources have minimized (you could also say ridiculed) Yemen's February 3 demonstrations. These sources seem to be working on the assumption that every popular protest in the Middle East must have the same goals and follow the same pattern. This idea ignores the obvious fact that Yemeni politics are quite different from Egyptian, Tunisian, or Algerian politics, and that no two countries have exactly the same constellation of circumstances. The fact is that Yemen's various opposition movements, whether within the political mainstream or on the fringes of society, have different goals from each other, not to mention from their counterparts in other countries; and the regime of 'Ali 'Abdullah Salih is itself very different from the Mubarak and Bin 'Ali regimes. So if the actions of last Thursday (some participants won't even refer to them as protests, though I would disagree) did not result in an immediate challenge to President Salih's political or physical survival, or in the sustained occupation of public spaces, that does not mean that they failed.

I'll save my elaboration on the many strands of opposition for another post. I'm also not going to get into all of the ways in which Yemen differs from the other Arab states currently facing protests. For now I just want to argue the point that the February 3 demonstrations were far more important than many commentators (and participants) have made them out to be. Here's why:

• They forced President Salih to realize that he is not immune from popular discontent. This may seem like a silly thing for a politician to have to realize, but he and his fellow despots are a special breed, adept at delusion. He is also incredibly talented at dodging disapproval, or redirecting it by force.
• They forced the Yemeni people—including the leaderships of the GPC and JMP—to realize that their president is not immune from popular discontent. Again, this should be self-evident, but it's not. Even in "truly" democratic countries, people routinely forget that they wield political power. While I doubt that anyone in Yemen is under the illusion that a few protests will solve their country's deep-seated political problems, they have now seen their president raise his head at their raised voices, and that simple fact means that the relationship between ruler and ruled has changed.
• They demonstrated popular ties between Yemen and the wider Arab world. President Salih has long been bolstered by support from Saudi Arabia and other friendly (you could also say opportunistic, manipulative, exploitative...) states; now his citizens have shown that they too have connections abroad, that they can learn from and participate in regional and global developments.
• They engaged a significant number of young people. Yemen is mostly made up of young people these days, but in recent years Yemen's protest culture has not been a youth culture. Protest has been something that secessionists, Islamists, insurgents, veterans, and journalists engage in, not something for students or the non-radical youth at large. The February 3 protests and subsequent actions have appealed—and will continue to appeal—to young people  who have not previously identified with any marginalized or activist group.

The points listed above all seem to favor of the opposition(s). But there is one big point in the regime's favor: the events of February 3 were completely mis-covered and misunderstood by the international media. Nearly every article in the press focused on the demonstrations in San‘a. If another city was mentioned, it was only briefly and only because some editors seem to insist that a story about Yemen include a bit of violence. But the coverage ignored the major differences between protests in different cities. For instance, San‘a's demos included very few women, while much larger demos in Ta‘iz hosted thousands of women. San‘a's protests were calm, and dispersed in time for lunch, while those in some cities lasted all day and were met with violence from the police and military. But so long as the press stays in San‘a, and San‘a stays calm, the regime retains a free hand to deal with unrest elsewhere with more force.

The list above is not exhaustive, and some people will surely argue with one or all of these points. But I think the importance of these protests will become increasingly visible in the coming weeks and months. I doubt we'll see a revolution in Yemen, and I think that's fine. Revolutions are painful things, and they're not necessary if substantive change can be achieved some other way. I think the people have found their voices, and I'm excited to see where this leads.

The JMP and other, non-mainstream groups have more demonstrations planned for February 10 and 11. The army is apparently pouring into Aden, and opposition/Southern Movement demos there will probably be met with force. We'll have to wait to see how protesters in the rest of the country will respond.

From San‘a: Developing the Grassroots Movement

Through a mutual friend, I recently got into contact with someone who is in Yemen right now and who has spoken with an off-shoot student activist group of the pro-democracy movement in San‘a. For obvious reasons, all involved want to remain anonymous, but this person kindly wrote up his/her reflections for us. The recollections below cannot be verified, as journalists say, but this person has provided a fascinating account of how young people are working to organize themselves. I thank the contributor for taking the time to share this on our blog. Another day of protests are planned for tomorrow, Feb. 10th. We will be sure to update you on what we find out. Very interesting -- check it out! Yemeni Prime Minister Ali Mohammed Mujawar and Foreign Minister Dr Abu Bakr al-Qirbi are correct, Yemen is neither Tunisia nor Egypt.  By this we mean its social composition and structures, although everyone will agree the 20-year old Republic of Yemen has been part and parcel of the 60-year old Arab nationalist project.  Yet what we saw in Tunisia and now witness first hand day by day throughout Egypt would be difficult to replicate in Yemen.  A number of socio-political obstacles stand in the way of similar popular uprisings, although economic conditions throughout the Republic are indeed much dismal than drivers behind the Jasmine Revolution and now al-Thawra as-Shab.

Activism of the type we’ve witnessed since 14 January remains problematic here due to institutional monopolies on mobilization and tribal resources at government’s disposal which act as deterrents, as we witnessed on 3 February.  Such are the challenges new youth activists face in organizing a truly non-institution based grassroots movement for tangible change.  Today we begin to learn of a youth movement that began with one young university student, AJ, who--after watching media reports of events in Egypt--took it upon himself to upload images on his Facebook wall and to tag his friends, something he admitted was otherwise never his practice.

We first learned about this new group of 100 Yemenis through asSharah (The Street) newspaper on 5 February, which reported on a group of young Yemenis who ‘spontaneously’ began to clean al-Dayri street following the JMP organized protests of 3 February. AJ filled me in on his first reaction to organize his friends on Wednesday before the "Day of Rage." He promised that Feb. 3rd would become a turbulent event after President Ali Abdullah Saleh warned the population during his address to Parliament the morning of 2 February of potential violence organized by protesters.  AJ mentioned the initial response came from 100 of his Facebook friends, some of whom met later on Wednesday at a local café (about 30 of them) for a preparatory meeting, which was followed the same evening by a meeting at a friend’s house. In this meeting they all agreed to contribute YR200 (less than one US dollar) in order to purchase trash bags and plastic gloves.  Another friend, not on Facebook, offered to print flyers for the group.  This is the account of what may become Yemen’s grassroots movement toward credible change in the months to come.

I asked AJ to describe the ambitions and expectations of this small group of young university students, he began by commenting on the t-shirts worn by the 20 group members who participated in the 3 February protests, the slogan was ‘Peaceful Change’ written under a Yemeni flag.  While the protesters were told to wear Pink during the protests, the Facebook Youth chose white to symbolize their priority, a peaceful expression of their ambitions.  AJ commented on his personal hopes for the group as he perceived the motivation of others in the group.  The priority is to contribute to a new “culture of change”, which they intend to manifest by advancing a civil movement that cares first and foremost about Yemen’s future.  He believes the president’s initiatives were part of a political game, but granted Saleh a great deal of credit for preventing chaos similar to the Tunisian or Egyptian events.  Yet, the initiatives are not enough, and AJ and the ten groups now joining the Facebook Youth look for expanding freedom of speech and progress in democratization of the political process.  Yemeni youth want improved education and health care, as well as a stronger fight against corruption.  His most striking comment came when he mentioned that most important for the movement is a “revolution of mind”, a change in the mentality of people who are blinded by the rhetoric of security over development toward a brighter future for the country. [bolded for emphasis]

AJ believes that change will come, whether at the hands of conservative forces or under the current regime, but may be not within the next six months.  He spoke to me about the limitations for the groups who are mainly found in urban centers.  Also, he spoke of the limited connectivity via social media, which only a very small percentage of young Yemenis engage with on a daily basis.  Technology is one instrument of many to utilize in order to reach a wider sector of Yemeni society, said AJ. In the coming months it will become vital for group members to reach beyond their local environment, but this may still depend on traditional methods that involve more personal contact than technology’s global reach.  Another major obstacle remains the uncertainty of people’s participation. He indicated many youth are still hesitant to take part in any activities due to fear of reaction by the government and the opposition, who may fear an end to their monopoly, or even portions of the population who do not understand their activities. AJ hopes that Thursday’s (10 Feb.) peaceful demonstrations will not only bring the movement to the surface but also allow the youth to network in order to expand awareness.

More to come after what appears to be a successful and peaceful demonstration Thursday.

From Sana’a…

Listen to our recent radio interview!

YPP directors Dana Moss and Will Picard were featured in an hour-long interview on KUCI FM on February 7. You can download the podcast from our website, or from KUCI.org.

Upcoming radio appearance

On Monday, February 7, YPP co-directors Dana Moss and Will Picard will be appearing on the University of California at Irvine's radio station (KUCI 88.9FM) for an hour-long discussion about current events in Yemen, and their implications for the United States and the world.

Guarded optimism

We've been following the demonstrations in San‘a on Twitter since they began this morning. At the moment, the JMP-led events—which were described as festivals of political expression, dancing, music, rather than rage—are breaking up voluntarily. It seems people are happy to have had their say, and they are leaving to avoid any confrontation with pro-Salih demonstrators. We will keep an eye on things, as anything could happen later this week. Also, I'm curious to see what demos have been like in other cities. Have Ta‘iz and Ibb seen the same joyous scene?

Ta'iz especially is home to strong anti-regime and anti-northern sentiments. New tweets are claiming much larger crowds there than in the capital, perhaps as many as 200,000. If that's the case, we might still expect a response from security forces.

For that matter, what about demos in the south? In 'Aden, Abyan, and Hadhramawt, state violence is almost commonplace. I'll still be surprised if those places avoid a crackdown today.

But I'm not trying to spoil the mood. In San'a, at least, the demonstrators have proved that civil, peaceful political action is possible, even in such heady times.

Countdown

Mass demonstrations in San‘a are scheduled to begin at 10:0 am tomorrow—just ten hours from now. According to Yemeni activists on Twitter, San‘a's Tahrir Square, which is one block from the Yemeni parliament, and surrounded by other government buildings, has been occupied by "armed thugs." Accordingly, protest organizers plan to gather their followers near the university, on the other side of town, instead. Yesterday's announcement from President ‘Ali ‘Abdullah Salih that he would neither seek reelection nor allow his son to run for the presidency seems to have been accepted by the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP)—the opposition coalition that includes Islah and the Yemeni Socialist Party—but it may not satisfy the street. The internet is a poor indicator for real-world events, especially in places like Yemen, where so few people have internet access on a good day, but judging from the current buzz, I expect tomorrow's demonstrations to draw significant crowds.

Some observers have minimized earlier protests, saying that they were little more than opposition party rallies. Tomorrow will see events in several cities organized by the JMP, but I think we'll also see expressions of real popular anger, which the parties may not be able to contain. The presence of "thugs" in advance of the protests is very worrisome, especially in light of today's tragic events in Cairo. It also means that Salih and his party haven't yet decided how to handle these events. Will they offer more concessions and let the citizens blow off steam, or will they crack down? I think the answer may depend on the scale of tomorrow's demonstrations. But then again, I said in my last post that I wouldn't be making any more predictions. The best any of us can do is work for change, and hope for peace.

UPDATE: 6:30AM YEMEN TIME

The sun is rising now in San‘a, and although I'm thousands of miles away, I am extremely uneasy about the coming day. Massive demonstrations are scheduled to begin in a few hours in San‘a and in other cities. These are meant to be peaceful protests, but recent developments make peace unlikely. As I write this I'm listening to Al Jazeera's live coverage of the battle in Cairo's Tahrir Square, which in 24 hours has changed, in Al Jazeera's words, from a festival to a war zone. According to Twitter, San‘a's Tahrir Square has been preemptively occupied by pro-government forces. Security forces have allegedly lined the streets in other parts of the city.

Governments do not send soldiers into the streets to maintain peace, but to enforce their will. I've promised twice now not to make predictions, but what's happening right now in Egypt feels like the prelude to a massacre. The government, which just days ago seemed to be on the verge of collapse, is still firmly in control, and its proxy forces now occupy positions surrounding the protesters. I really hope I'm reading the situation wrong, but the constant sound of gunfire gives some credence to my theory.

Earlier today, according the website of Yemen's ruling party, US President Barack Obama called President Salih to congratulate him on his "wise decision" to offer (totally meaningless) concessions to the opposition. The US government has continuously criticized Egypt's violent crackdown on protests, but has done nothing at all to really discourage the repression. Now with the blessing of his American patron, what reason will President Salih have to restrain his own response to anti-government demonstrations?

We at the YPP want nothing more than to see the Yemeni people express their grievances in public, and to have their voices heard. I and my co-directors would give anything to be in San‘a this morning. At the same time, I am terrified for the Yemeni people. The international community, despite its harsh language, is content to stand by while Mubarak's regime in Egypt attacks its own citizens; America has not hesitated in the recent past to fund and carry out attacks on Yemeni civilians, so we can be sure that if tomorrow's protests turn violent, no one in the outside world will come to the aid of the people.

We support and praise our brothers and sisters in Yemen who are exercising their rights of expression and protest, and we strongly condemn any violent response to popular protest. We hope that the United States government, from the lowest embassy officers to Secretary Clinton and President Obama, understand that they will bear responsibility for any violence against the Yemeni people, and we urge them to do everything in their power to prevent such violence.

Finally, we encourage our friends in Yemen to share their views and their experiences with us, and with the wider world, by sending emails, writing on our discussion boards, tweeting, and texting; and we urge the Yemeni and foreign media to cover today's events responsibly, in all their complexity. We will post updates as we are able.

P.S. Yemenis without internet access can post messages to Twitter by leaving voicemails at the following international phone numbers: +16504194196 or +390662207294 or +97316199855.

A Jordanian interlude

I said in my previous post that Yemen has been given short shrift by the Egypt-obsessed media (though not without reason). Recent protests in Jordan have also missed out on the limelight, though they may prove to be as successful (if not more) than the demonstrations in Tunisia and Egypt. I know almost nothing about Jordanian politics; today's guest blogger knows a great deal. Dr. Catherine Warrick is Professor of Political Science at Villanova University in Pennsylvania. She is the author of the book Law in the Service of Legitimacy, a brilliant scholar, and a friend of the Yemen Peace Project. She generously shares her observations on Jordan here: As protests have spread across North Africa and through the Arab world, news reports have speculated about whether Jordan’s regime will “fall” just as Egypt’s is poised to do. The short answer is “no” – and that’s probably a good thing. As delighted as we all are by the ouster of the Mubarak regime in Egypt, it’s important to keep in mind that these countries are not all the same. Even the protesters, inspired by similar conditions and taking to the streets with similar demands for reform, don’t all want the same outcomes.

Egyptians have made it clear from the beginning that Mubarak himself must go; the regime is deeply unpopular all the way to the top, and with nearly every sector of society. But Jordanian protesters, although serious about demanding reform, are not calling for the crown to topple. No one is demanding that the king step down – they’re demanding that he do a better job of addressing specific economic and governance problems. So far, he’s listening. King Abdullah has replaced his prime minister, Samir al-Rifa’i, condemned corruption, and promised reforms. If he follows through on these reforms quickly, this will likely be enough to satisfy most protesters in Jordan.

This is not to say that King Abdullah is particularly beloved throughout society, or that he can magically erase all of Jordan’s problems right away; he’s an authoritarian leader, not a fairy godfather. But he seems willing to do the job required of him in the present circumstances, and if he makes real reforms in Jordanian politics, then in the interests of peace and development, we should probably wish him well. --CW, 1 Feb. 2011

Solidarity with peaceful demonstrations

Like the rest of the world, the YPP is watching developments in Yemen, Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, and Bahrain intently. As pro-democracy activists in San‘a, Ta‘iz, and all over Yemen prepare for a national day of protests on Thursday, February 3, we stand with all of those who struggle peacefully for positive change. We will do our best to bring our visitors the latest news and in-depth analysis from Yemen during these exciting times.

Inspired rhetoric

The Jihadology blog has the latest issue of AQAP's English-language magazine, Inspire, which was released earlier this week. I haven't had a chance to read the whole thing yet, but two things caught my attention right away. First, in a brief commentary about AQAP's new campaign of violence against so-called Huthi supporters, the magazine's editor makes the following claim:

We would like to state that our war is with the Rafidha [Rejectionist] Shi'a sect which is alien to Yemen and was only imported recently from Iran, and not with the Zaydi Shi'a sect which is considered to be the closest sect of Shi'a to ahl as-sunnah.

This statement is remarkable for two reasons: first, it is identical to the false claims the government of Yemen has been making since the beginning of the Sa‘dah wars (that the rebels are Iranian agents). Second, it states that AQAP has no problem with Zaydiyah, which is an unexpected position for them to take. It seems illogical at best for AQAP to distinguish between Shi‘i sects. That Zaydiyah is close to Sunnism is a cliché, but the reality is that the Huthi rebellion grew out of a very Zaydi revival movement that, among other things, stressed the opposition between Zaydiyah and the kind of Sunnism espoused by AQAP.

As I see it, the best reason for AQAP to make the above claim is that it has had time to think, since the attacks of November, about the implications of declaring war on Zaydiyah, and has realized the danger in such an act. Maybe AQAP and the government can effectively drive a wedge between al-Huthi and the Zaydi population at large, but I doubt it, especially when we all know that al-Huthi's network of support has in the past transcended sectarian identities.

The second thing I noticed in this issue of Inspire is that the magazine provides translations of only one of the two statements AQAP released about its attacks on Huthi targets. We were able to publish translations of each statement within twenty-four hours, so why doesn't Inspire have both of them now? If I'm not mistaken, Brian O'Neill and Greg Johnsen have both hypothesized in the past that the editors of Inspire, and perhaps even the editors of AQAP's Arabic magazine, are too distant from the organization's operational branches to even know about operations in time to include them in publications. This seemed to be the case with the original Arabic statements on the attacks, which were much-delayed, and is probably the case again here.

Year-end update

As the Yemen Peace Project's first year comes to a close, I'd like to take a moment to thank everyone who has been a part of our success thus far. Trying to build a grass-roots organization is difficult work, and we are a long way yet from our goals; but we have made progress, thanks to the hard work of our founders and volunteers and the interest and support of all of our members and friends. We've earned some recognition for our efforts—most notably from the Yemen Times—and we've built meaningful connections between volunteers in the US, Yemen, and elsewhere. The coming year will see a continuation of this work, and the beginning of some exciting new projects. January will bring the much-anticipated re-launch of the Pens for Peace discussion boards, in a more accessible and engaging format, and the launch of YPP's long-awaited Arabic language website, which will make it easier for our friends in Yemen to get involved and stay up to date with our activities. We will also be obtaining non-profit status in 2011, which means we'll be able to receive tax-deductible donations to fund our work.

As we move forward and continue to work for peace in Yemen and the United States, we know we can count on your support. Thank you all.

Updates and some end-of-the-year Reflections!

Hey everyone! First I want to thank everyone - including folks from Yemen, Denmark, Syria, the UAE, all over the U.S. and even Australia! - for signing our first ever petition marking the 1-year anniversary of U.S. and Yemeni government-led raids and missile strikes that killed and injured Yemeni civilians on December 17, 2009. Part of our mission is to show the U.S. government that WE ARE PAYING ATTENTION, so we all greatly appreciate those who took the time to sign! Governments absolutely depend on the indifference, fear and apathy of their citizens to pursue war, and I feel that we are playing a small but important role in showing them that peace and dialogue is the best strategy. Second, Will and I were given the opportunity to introduce the board members of the Center for Citizen Peacebuilding (located at the University of California, Irvine) to the YPP yesterday! The members of the CCP are one of the most impressive groups of compassionate, generous and engaged pro-peace activists and scholars I have ever met, and their work spans from Georgia to the West Bank. They asked wonderful questions and were VERY encouraging of our work as well. IMPORTANTLY - some of the faculty at the CCP are engaged in the very kind of cross-national dialogue that we are promoting through our Pens for Peace program, so there may be opportunities for expansion and collaboration there!  I will keep you posted on how this plays out, and I am very excited about it. Happy holidays to us!  :)

Third, I just want to state for the record how proud and honored I am to be a part of this organization. I have not always been able to dedicate as much time as I have wanted to it, especially since I began a full-time PhD program this fall. But I am so lucky that my colleagues Will, Tiffany, Ahmed and Aliya are so brilliant, so dedicated, and so full of ideas! Huge props to our co-directors for the work they have been doing. We have accomplished a lot (and received media attention!) and are going to keep going. I really must give special kudos to Will -- I see him work on the YPP every single day, and often late into the night. He has been a visionary for this group, and relentless in his dedication to pro-peace activism.

Don't forget to sign the petition if you haven't already, and to check out the feature on the Yemeni artist below!  In the new year, if you want to get more involved, contact us - we would love to have you! Happy holidays to everyone.

December 17: A Day of Remembrance and Action

Please add your signature to our letter to US policy makers and ask them to change the nature of America's involvement in Yemen.

Interview with Yemeni artist Ibi Ibrahim

Hello all! Here to share with you an extremely interesting and informative interview I did with emerging Yemeni artist and photographer--and good friend of mine-- Ibi Ibrahim. Ibi was raised in Yemen, the Emirates, Libya, and Iraq, and currently lives in New York. His work draws its inspiration from his experience with growing up amidst strong social and moral codes in Islamic societies. His website with a sample of his work can be found here. Make sure to check it out--I particularly recommend his work "Love Knows Only Love". Ibi was a participating artist in the Sana'a Styles: Fashion and Art Exhibit that opened in Sana'a this week at the House of Culture. For our readers in Yemen: the exhibit runs until January 4th--please don't miss this opportunity to experience some of Yemen's rising artistic talent in person!

Firstly, can you tell me a little about yourself? When did you first become

interested in art? What challenges, difficulties, and/or successes have you faced as an artist?

I am Ibi Ibrahim, I am 23 years old and I am a Yemeni visual artist working in New

York.

I would say that my artistic career officially began when I moved to New York in

late 2009 – I started out as an actor and I was lucky enough to book different gigs in

theater and film. I had to work a lot in order to make enough money to survive and

also to buy the camera I wanted. Back at the time, I didn't have a camera.

Soon after I got my camera, I wouldn't stop shooting – not even for a day. Every day

was a new adventure for me and I discovered a new technique and in result a new

artistic perspective. I have had taken pictures while in Yemen and exhibited my

work via the German House in Sana'a in October 2009 but I wasn't satisfied with my

work. After I moved to New York and got a chance to see a large portions of art

work through visiting museums and galleries here. I remember going to the MOMA

every week to see the art. Even if I've seen it once, it wasn't enough – it was a love

affair that kept on growing. I'm actually a member now.

The challenge I faced was to find a specific topic to discuss through my medium. I

searched and practiced many but I reached my current topic after I realization that

it was the most powerful and passionate topic to discuss and involve the viewer to

participate in and take part of – only because it was part of who I am.

Where does the subject matter for your photography come from? Do you tend

to stick to one theme or subject, or does your art go through phases?

The work I do is circled around the culture and social codes of Muslim conservative

societies – the inspiration comes from my upbringing in a very conservative

household. At first, I was not certain if I could do such work - after all, most of my

work is about stories I witnessed growing up whether it was in my household or our

neighbors..etc. With support of mentors and friends, I was able to break that barrier

and open myself to the world. In my opinion, this is the true artist experience –

nothing to be held back, nothing to be afraid of.

I'm currently working in within this subject but that doesn't mean that eventually

I won't tackle another topic. However I'm developing my art in other sense by

creating video installations and making short films. I just finished my first semester

as a film student at the New School in New York and I've began writing my first

feature film. I've also submitted my short screen plays for festivals and institutions

For funding and I've received some welcoming responses from some institutes such

as the Doha Tribecca Film Institute. Its all work in progress at the moment.

sample of work exhibited in the ongoing "Sana'a Styles" show

Can you tell us a little bit about the state of the modern Yemeni art scene in

general? What are some of the difficulties faced by artists in Yemen, whether

cultural/political/financial, etc.? Are there any venues of support for artists

such as yourself?

I'm going to speak on behalf of myself here and focus my answer around the capital

city; Sana'a. I honestly can't think of one gallery in Yemen. At least in Sana'a – I

certainly don't remember ever running across a gallery in the capital. Now, what

Sana'a has in return are art centers that are either NGOs and being funded by the

government or actual culture centers that are part of the ministry of culture. Of

course, they are helpful in promoting art but to an extent. Those centers don't

provide artistic representation like galleries do and neither they try to sell the

artists work like galleries do. An artist needs to make a living after all so if his/her

art work is not selling, what is the purpose of showing it at culture centers?

In addition to that, I would also say the media in involved in the poor status of

modern Yemeni art scene in Yemen. I've noticed that most of the time media does a

coverage on culture events by highlighting who attended the show and who opened

the show while they ignore the most important aspect in the entire show and that

the artists participating. There is no media support for the artists and if the media

is not going to support the artist, then how the public is going to learn about the

artist? Here is the link of coverage in the National paper about the current exhibit

about fashion and identity in Yemen. You read the coverage; you

realize that there is nothing mentioned about the artists and what they showed. It

was all bullshit and it made me very upset. Why must we always cover the minister

or the ambassador and not cover the artist?

If there are no galleries and no media to support the artist – how can a world expect

Yemen to have a modern art scene? Some might be lucky to have supportive families

but for the most part, Yemeni parents never want their kids to be musicians, artists

or filmmakers. Unlike parents in the west, who encourage their kids to have interest

in the art from an early age and that's due the fact that art has been around for

awhile there and it has proven that it could be a successful career and generates

great income, fame and all things desired.

What do you see as a solution to these problems? Where should the support

come from—the government, the Yemeni people, other countries?

The best lesson is to learn from neighboring countries. There is a huge art revolution

happening in the Middle East now. Qatar is opening the first Arab museum of

modern art, Abu Dhabi will open the Louvre and the Guggenheim in less than two

years, and Yemen still has zero art galleries. Yemen has beautiful ancient art but

there is international interest in Middle Eastern modern art and we should take

this opportunity and encourage our artists to take serious steps towards their

work. Yemen receives millions of dollars of funding from international sources but

sadly all those funds are gone toward defense and security – just imagine if a small

portion would've been directed towards art reform.

One thing I want to make clear is that the art is available and so is the talent –

but we need support and mentorship. And today, instead of asking support and

mentorship from the US and Europe, we can ask from our neighboring countries

because they have certainly proven that they are up to the standards. Best example

drawn here is Qatar 2022.

Tell us a little about the exhibition this week that you are a participating artist in.

The show is about Fashion and Identity in Yemeni society. For my work, I had to

create a story with an element of fashion but in the same time remain within the

content of my subject. My series is called A Good Wife. It’s a series I’ve never shown

before - it’s about a wife who just worships her husband—she helps him with

everything and opens the doors of success to him, and in return he ends up leaving

her to find a better person (in his mind)—a woman who is fashionable, tall, slim—

that’s where I added the element of fashion to it. It’s the story about love, about

stabbing someone in the heart. It’s inspired by the average Yemeni wife.

My show in Kentucky ends in a week, and then this show is my last show of the

year, and it’s opening in Yemen. I’m happy to be ending the year with such great

success—and I’m excited for next year. I’m especially excited to hear what Yemeni

women think of the work. My first try at a show in Yemen was last October—I

thought it was beautiful, but it wasn’t something that made you stop and think. This

will definitely get people talking. I really wish I was there—inshallah [God willing]

I’ll be able to have a solo exhibit there someday, and I’ll go.

As for other artists participating, I've seen the work of two other artists, ,Bushra

Almutawakel, who's done a really fascinating series about the hijab

in the Muslim world - she's considered to be the first Yemeni female photographer.

The other artist is Bushra al-Fusail who's at 23 years old has shown some great

talent and I'm very fond of her work, also fond of the examples she is sitting for

other young Yemeni women.

What sort of reaction do these types of events spark from the general public inYemen? Is there any sort of national interest or support for the arts?

From my own experience, no. I had shown before in Yemen and there was no sort

of reaction that benefited me in anyway. Again, if you look at the media coverage of

the event, it only highlighted the ministers and the ambassadors who attended. The

media coverage should've been about the artists who participated. I've seen nearly

the same format of that article in about six publications via the web and such thing

is really disappointing.

Again back to the same point, we must learn from others on how to do the right

coverage or such event and ensure that we could provide all the help possible to our

talented emerging artists.

Any final words?

I wish one rich person in Yemen would decide, “I want to spend X amount of money

on an art academy, and see what happens.” Let's take a chance in our youth and

see what might happen. Look at the architecture in the old city – its divine and

couldn't be seen anywhere else. People always ask me here, "are there more of you

in Yemen?" and my response is " In Yemen, there is even better."

In my heart, I know there are artists that are more talented in Yemen. They just

need to learn how to hussle. Being an artist is a life-time job. Picasso didn't become

Picasso over night!

Firstly,an you tell me a little about yourself? When did you first become

interested in art? What challenges, difficulties, and/or successes have you faced as an artist?

I am Ibi Ibrahim, I am 23 years old and I am a Yemeni visual artist working in New

York.

I would say that my artistic career officially began when I moved to New York in

late 2009 – I started out as an actor and I was lucky enough to book different gigs in

theater and film. I had to work a lot in order to make enough money to survive and

also to buy the camera I wanted. Back at the time, I didn't have a camera.

Soon after I got my camera, I wouldn't stop shooting – not even for a day. Every day

was a new adventure for me and I discovered a new technique and in result a new

artistic perspective. I have had taken pictures while in Yemen and exhibited my

work via the German House in Sana'a in October 2009 but I wasn't satisfied with my

work. After I moved to New York and got a chance to see a large portions of art

work through visiting museums and galleries here. I remember going to the MOMA

every week to see the art. Even if I've seen it once, it wasn't enough – it was a love

affair that kept on growing. I'm actually a member now.

The challenge I faced was to find a specific topic to discuss through my medium. I

searched and practiced many but I reached my current topic after I realization that

it was the most powerful and passionate topic to discuss and involve the viewer to

participate in and take part of – only because it was part of who I am.

Where does the subject matter for your photography come from? Do you tend

to stick to one theme or subject, or does your art go through phases?

The work I do is circled around the culture and social codes of Muslim conservative

societies – the inspiration comes from my upbringing in a very conservative

household. At first, I was not certain if I could do such work - after all, most of my

work is about stories I witnessed growing up whether it was in my household or our

neighbors..etc. With support of mentors and friends, I was able to break that barrier

and open myself to the world. In my opinion, this is the true artist experience –

nothing to be held back, nothing to be afraid of.

I'm currently working in within this subject but that doesn't mean that eventually

I won't tackle another topic. However I'm developing my art in other sense by

creating video installations and making short films. I just finished my first semester

as a film student at the New School in New York and I've began writing my first

feature film. I've also submitted my short screen plays for festivals and institutions

For funding and I've received some welcoming responses from some institutes such

as the Doha Tribecca Film Institute. Its all work in progress at the moment.

(post screenshots here)

Can you tell us a little bit about the state of the modern Yemeni art scene in

general? What are some of the difficulties faced by artists in Yemen, whether

cultural/political/financial, etc.? Are there any venues of support for artists

such as yourself?

I'm going to speak on behalf of myself here and focus my answer around the capital

city; Sana'a. I honestly can't think of one gallery in Yemen. At least in Sana'a – I

certainly don't remember ever running across a gallery in the capital. Now, what

Sana'a has in return are art centers that are either NGOs and being funded by the

government or actual culture centers that are part of the ministry of culture. Of

course, they are helpful in promoting art but to an extent. Those centers don't

provide artistic representation like galleries do and neither they try to sell the

artists work like galleries do. An artist needs to make a living after all so if his/her

art work is not selling, what is the purpose of showing it at culture centers?

In addition to that, I would also say the media in involved in the poor status of

modern Yemeni art scene in Yemen. I've noticed that most of the time media does a

coverage on culture events by highlighting who attended the show and who opened

the show while they ignore the most important aspect in the entire show and that

the artists participating. There is no media support for the artists and if the media

is not going to support the artist, then how the public is going to learn about the

artist? I'm adding this link of coverage in the National paper about a recent exhibit

I participated in about fashion and identity in Yemen. You read the coverage; you

realize that there is nothing mentioned about the artists and what they showed. It

was all bullshit and it made me very upset. Why must we always cover the minister

or the ambassador and not cover the artist?

http://www.althawranew.net/index.php?action=showNews&id=861

If there are no galleries and no media to support the artist – how can a world expect

Yemen to have a modern art scene? Some might be lucky to have supportive families

but for the most part, Yemeni parents never want their kids to be musicians, artists

or filmmakers. Unlike parents in the west, who encourage their kids to have interest

in the art from an early age and that's due the fact that art has been around for

awhile there and it has proven that it could be a successful career and generates

great income, fame and all things desired.

What do you see as a solution to these problems? Where should the support

come from—the government, the Yemeni people, other countries?

The best lesson is to learn from neighboring countries. There is a huge art revolution

happening in the Middle East now. Qatar is opening the first Arab museum of

modern art, Abu Dhabi will open the Louvre and the Guggenheim in less than two

years, and Yemen still has zero art galleries. Yemen has beautiful ancient art but

there is international interest in Middle Eastern modern art and we should take

this opportunity and encourage our artists to take serious steps towards their

work. Yemen receives millions of dollars of funding from international sources but

sadly all those funds are gone toward defense and security – just imagine if a small

portion would've been directed towards art reform.

One thing I want to make clear is that the art is available and so is the talent –

but we need support and mentorship. And today, instead of asking support and

mentorship from the US and Europe, we can ask from our neighboring countries

because they have certainly proven that they are up to the standards. Best example

drawn here is Qatar 2022

Tell us a little about the exhibition this week that you are a participating artist

in.

The show is about Fashion and Identity in Yemeni society. For my work, I had to

create a story with an element of fashion but in the same time remain within the

content of my subject. My series is called A Good Wife. It’s a series I’ve never shown

before - it’s about a wife who just worships her husband—she helps him with

everything and opens the doors of success to him, and in return he ends up leaving

her to find a better person (in his mind)—a woman who is fashionable, tall, slim—

that’s where I added the element of fashion to it. It’s the story about love, about

stabbing someone in the heart. It’s inspired by the average Yemeni wife.

My show in Kentucky ends in a week, and then this show is my last show of the

year, and it’s opening in Yemen. I’m happy to be ending the year with such great

success—and I’m excited for next year. I’m especially excited to hear what Yemeni

women think of the work. My first try at a show in Yemen was last October—I

thought it was beautiful, but it wasn’t something that made you stop and think. This

will definitely get people talking. I really wish I was there—inshallah [God willing]

I’ll be able to have a solo exhibit there someday, and I’ll go.

As for other artists participating, I've seen the work of two other artists, ,Bushra

Almutawakel, who's done a really fascinating series about the Hijab

in the Muslim world - She's considered to be the first Yemeni female photographer.

The other artist is Bushra al-Fusail who's at 23 years old has shown some great

talent and I'm very fond of her work, also fond of the examples she is sitting for

other young Yemeni women.

What sort of reaction do these types of events spark from the general public in

Yemen? Is there any sort of national interest or support for the arts?

From my own experience, no. I had shown before in Yemen and there was no sort

of reaction that benefited me in anyway. Again, if you look at the media coverage of

the event, it only highlighted the ministers and the ambassadors who attended. The

media coverage should've been about the artists who participated. I've seen nearly

the same format of that article in about six publications via the web and such thing

is really disappointing.

Again back to the same point, we must learn from others on how to do the right

coverage or such event and ensure that we could provide all the help possible to our

talented emerging artists.

Any final words?

I wish one rich person in Yemen would decide, “I want to spend X amount of money

on an art academy, and see what happens.” Let's take a chance in our youth and

see what might happen. Look at the architecture in the old city – its divine and

couldn't be seen anywhere else. People always ask me here, "are there more of you

in Yemen?" and my response is " In Yemen, there is even better."

In my heart, I know there are artists that are more talented in Yemen. They just

need to learn how to hussle. Being an artist is a life-time job. Picasso didn't become

Picasso over night!

YPP featured in Yemen Times

The Yemen Times, Yemen's biggest English-language newspaper, has this article by Iona Craig about the Yemen Peace Project: http://www.yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=35212

Ba‘d al-yawm...

...Crowds were celebrating in the streets, as indeed they were in all Yemen's major towns. The concrete-filled barrels at check-points on the border between North and South had been rolled away and crowds chanted ba‘d al-yawm ma ‘ad baramil, after today, no more barrels!

Those lines come from the anthropologist/historian Paul Dresch's description of Yemen's Unification Day, May 22, 1990. I thought of this description one night back in July when, driving past the President's Mosque in San‘a, it occurred to me that there are far more "barrels" in Yemen today than there were before unification.

A single militarized border between two states has been replaced by a heavily militarized single state, militarized not against outside enemies but against its own citizens. Today in Yemen, no one can drive from one city to another without stopping at multiple checkpoints. Inside the cities, police and Federal Security forces are omnipresent.

Today the news and the Tweet-o-sphere were full of reports of the tremendous success of the Gulf Cup Tournament in Aden. I should know, as I contributed to Yemen's PR victory by noting these stories on the YPP's own Twitter feed and Facebook page (and again here, just now). Of course, Yemen deserves a bit of good news, and a bit of positive coverage in the world media. As I noted on Facebook, this was the first time I've ever heard a non-Yemeni Arab say anything positive about Yemen. But the narrative of these cheerful stories is a bit sad, and very revealing. Most of the articles revolve around two points:

• Yemen hosted an international event and nothing got blown up;
• security was overwhelming, but everyone had a great time.

The underlying assumptions are that there would have been terrorist attacks at the tournament had the government not provided adequate security, and that, to put it simply, the South is crazy and unsafe without thousands of soldiers all over it. The conclusion that a rational reader would draw, then, is that an overwhelming and "proactive" domestic security posture (or, in South Yemeni dialect, an occupation) is totally justified and a good thing for everyone involved. Just look how much fun those Saudi tourists are having! And hey, what was the threat that all of those soldiers were protecting us from, anyway? Al-Qa‘idah? Secessionists? Most foreign reporters don't know, and didn't bother to find out.

A few happy stories about football might do a lot to legitimize the central government's repressive policies towards the South. What President Saleh wants, after all, is to associate the Southern Movement with AQAP in the minds of his allies. By depicting an amorphous danger in the south and crediting the government with defending people against it, the press has helped him accomplish this goal. His security measures—which have repeatedly failed to defeat actual threats—have been congratulated and welcomed by the international community, while southerners who complain of northern aggression have been discredited.

After today, more and more barrels.

Comments on the AQAP statement

This statement has something of a different tone from the previous one; whereas the first adopted the attitude of a proud victim, this one is absolutely gleeful, as its title suggests. It gets a bit dull, though, once the author starts talking about the false deceptive lying falsehoods of the lying Huthis (there are a lot of ways to say "lie" in Arabic). I guess what strikes me is that the author seems to assume that he is addressing a sympathetic audience. His audience is not just the jihadi community, but the Yemeni people as a whole, and he expects them to be happy to hear the wondrous news of this new campaign of violence against the Huthis. I'm holding to my previous assertion, that in the medium and long term this kind of violence won't be well-received in Yemen. But it's important to note that according to this statement, both of the suicide bombers were Yemenis. This is made clear by their names: we aren't given the real names of either man, but both have kunyahs (noms de guerre) containing the adjective "San‘ani." Add to this the assertion, in the final paragraph here, that the Huthis now have the backing of the CIA. The intended take-away is that these were attacks carried out by Yemenis against foreigners, for the sake of the Yemeni people.

Time will tell if this tactic pays off for al-Qa‘idah. But I'm more interested and concerned with the Yemeni government's reactions. So far I haven't heard much, but still think it's likely that President Saleh will try to fan the flames of this conflict for his own twisted reasons.

New AQAP statement

Al-Qa‘idah in the Arabian Peninsula has released another statement about their attacks on supporters of al-Huthi, giving additional details about their "martyrdom operations."

"Glad tidings to the faithful concerning the series of activities in defense of the People of the Sunnah

[We announce that] our heroic, martyred brother Abu ‘A’ishah al-San‘ani al-Hashimi carried out a blessed operation against the procession of influential apostate Huthis in the province of al-Jawf, and that he killed in this operation more than thirty people—among them many of their leaders—and wounded scores of them. This was at 8:40am, the morning of Wednesday the 18th of Dhi al-Hijjah (November 24th), according to our sources at the scene of the bombing.

Our sources present at the scene of the event also informed us that one senior leader of the Huthis was present at the procession, but that his name had previously been withheld by the Huthis.

They then informed us that they would attempt to discover this name in the days that followed. Before long they sent us word that [the person in question] was one of the leading turbaned mullahs. After that the news leaked out that the deceased was the head of evil and corruption, Badr al-Din al-huthi himself, the founder of the apostate Huthi group. He had been in al-Jawf to preside over the celebrations for ‘Eid al-Ghadir, while his son ‘Abd al-Malik presided over them in Sa‘dah. So God enabled us to transform their Day of Ghadir [which literally means “stream” or “brook”] into a Day of Hellfire for the enemies of God who distort Islam and pollute the land of the Prophet (PBUH). For God is great, God is great, God is great, and all praise and thanks be to God.

So our organization issued urgent instructions to send another car bomb—from among several such cars we have prepared for them—to intercept the funeral processions [for al-Huthi]. This blessed martyrdom operation was undertaken by the heroic brother Abu ‘Abdullah al-San‘ani in the stronghold of the Huthis (the area of Dahyan) in the province of Sa‘dah on the morning of Friday the 20th of Dhi al-Hijjah 1431 hijri [November 26 2010]. According to our sources at the scene, this attack killed at least seventy and injured scores of Huthis, who filled the hospitals of Sa‘dah.

The Huthi gang has said—though they are not able to conceal the truth—that Badr al-Din al-Huthi died from natural causes. The Huthi gang wants to deceive the people by claiming that al-Huthi’s funeral, which followed our blessed operation by only one day, was the result of a natural death. The have tried to hide the facts of his death and to circulate information inconsistent with reality, but despite all of this, we have been able to obtain reliable information from within them about the killing of Badr al-Din.

The lies and forgeries and subterfuges [of the Huthis] will not fool any but the most foolish of their followers. The most loathsome of their lies was that their investigations indicated that the blessed martyrdom operation had been carried out by the Israeli Mossad and American intelligence agencies! The truth is that the American intelligence agencies are your helpers; they halted the war [between the Huthis and the Yemeni state] for your sake so that you could work for them in their war against the mujahidin, the vanguard of the Muslim Ummah....

AQAP vs. al-Huthi

In a recently released statement, al-Qa‘idah in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) has officially taken responsibility for the two bombings that targeted Huthi supporters this week. If it's legit, this proves my original thesis wrong. The original Arabic statement can be found on the Jihadology blog. Below is my English translation of the statement in full:

“After repeated appeals from the Sunni people to their brothers the mujahidin for defense, and after the failures of the apostate governments in San‘a and Riyadh—with all their armies, resources, and funds—in addressing the apostate “Huthis” (failures that have abandoned the People of the Sunnah to a fate unknown); the mujahidin of the Arabian Peninsula have decided to begin these martyrdom operations in defense of the land of our Prophet (PBUH) and his Companions (may God bless them all); and in defense of our brothers among the People of the Sunnah, after we have seen them killed, their honor violated and their homes destroyed, driven from their homes and neighborhoods, receiving no assistance.

So we call upon the sons of the People of the Sunnah to enlist in the brigades for the defense of the land of the Prophet (PBUH). The Shi‘i peril is near, and if it is not dealt with, these apostate Shi‘ah will do as they have done to the Sunnis of Iraq and Afghanistan. Hasten, before it is too late; and know that the armies of Saudi Arabia and Yemen do not represent the People of the Sunnah.

Thanks to God we have formed special units to defend our brothers, and to guarantee the extermination of the malignant seeds that have been planted by the apostate Iranian Shi‘ah in Sa‘dah and the adjacent areas, under the leadership of the apostate Huthis.

The People of the Sunnah should know that the apostate Huthis are a legitimate target for us. So we caution our brothers to avoid the Huthis’ gatherings and processions. We call upon those at risk to abandon the apostate Huthis, before it is too late. We have prepared for them, and we will not rest until we have cleansed the land of their filth and their crimes against the People of the Sunnah, and until there is no fitnah, and the only religion is the religion of God, and all evildoers are overthrown and destroyed.”

In the coming week we'll see more analysis of this statement on Waq al-Waq and other blogs, including this one. The first thing that strikes me about this statement is that AQAP claims to be acting in self-defense. No one associated with al-Huthi has ever attacked AQAP. Earlier this year, Huthi supporters took a couple of prisoners linked to AQAP and, in an attempt to advance the peace process, handed them over to the central government. Other than that, the two groups have had no contact.

I think some observers—foremost among them Brian O'Neill—will argue that AQAP is trying to appeal to its international fan base by targeting the Yemeni Shi‘ah (though really, Yemenis almost never refer to Zaydis as Shi‘ah). Their goal is to attract foreign jihadis to their organization. But I have a feeling that this move will end up hurting AQAP, in that it will destabilize the networks of tribal and local support they've built up over the years. Maybe I'm misjudging the Yemeni populace at large, but I really don't think many Yemenis will tolerate sectarian violence on a large scale. Nevertheless, the government is likely to try to exploit conflict between its enemies to its own benefit.

Civil war

Reports yesterday of a bomb killing followers of 'Abd al-Malik al-Huthi as they gathered for 'Eid al-Ghadir marked what will likely be the opening of another round of war in northern Yemen. The attack—which may or may not have been a suicide bombing—was immediately blamed on al-Qa‘idah in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), but that group has not yet claimed responsibility. The Ghadir holiday is celebrated exclusively by Shi‘i Muslims, so it is easy to assume a sectarian motive to such an attack. But AQAP is always quick to claim its actions; the government tried to tie al-Qa‘idah to the bombing of a Zaydi mosque a few years ago, but the group denied it. It is more likely that this attack is related to hostilities that have been ongoing since early November between "Huthi" rebels and pro-government tribes.

It is likely that the current violence will spiral into open war between the rebels and the central government, as it has done six times before since 2004. But I can imagine another possibility, given the wider situation in Yemen today: it could be that the government, or pro-government paramilitary groups (which have ties to Saudi Arabia as well as to the Yemeni military) are trying to incite a war between al-Huthi's followers and AQAP.

The level of pressure on President Saleh's regime from the US, UK, and other international powers to focus on AQAP makes it unlikely that the President and his inner circle would seek a new war with al-Huthi now, as Saleh's international allies have warned him repeatedly to keep the north under control. And while al-Qa‘idah affiliates in Iraq and elsewhere have targeted Shi‘is, this has not happened before in Yemen. Moreover, AQAP is very busy at the moment working to disrupt the US war effort and the central government, so it makes no sense for them to pick a fight with al-Huthi. AQAP has done a great job building support and sympathy from (some of) the public; while some tribes and networks are certainly alligned against al-Huthi, and while anti-Zaydi sentiments are still prevalent in parts of the country, launching a campaign of sectarian violence would not earn AQAP any friends in Yemen.*

In some rare situations, a conspiracy theory yields the most likely answer. This is one of those situations. The Saleh regime knows that its US-supported war against AQAP is going poorly, and is, in the long run, not winnable. It also knows that the United States will not grasp that reality any time soon, and will continue to push for, and to fund, more and more counter-terrorism operations. But the more the US and Saleh push, the weaker their position becomes. So it makes a great deal of sense for Saleh to try to pit al-Huthi against AQAP, and thus distract and weaken both enemies without risking his own resources.

If I'm right about this (I'll admit it if I'm not), the US would be making a horrible mistake if it were to go along with this program, wittingly or not. American envoys should have been talking to al-Huthi years ago, but that's not going to happen. The Obama administration can, however, avoid an even bigger catastrophe than the one it already faces in Yemen by making sure President Saleh refrains from any more of his infamous balancing acts, which always end in misery for the Yemeni people and more power for himself.

Let's all just hope I'm wrong.

P.S. Since this post originally went up, a second bomb killed Huthi supporters en route to the funeral of Badr al-Din al-Huthi, father of 'Abd al-Malik and Husayn al-Huthi and one of the intellectual fathers of the broader Zaydi revival movement.

[*EDIT: Brian O'Neill has been saying for a while that one of AQAP's main goals right now is to recruit "serious jihadis" from abroad. I think he's right, and it is likely that some foreign fighters would be drawn to an anti-Shi‘i campaign. But as much as it wants foreign recruits, AQAP can't survive without local support, which would evaporate if the group were to take on ethnic cleansing as its raison d'etre. I think they know better.]